As the Norwegian air force prepares to bring its first three F-35 joint strike fighters to Norwegian soil, the government is taking a simple approach to disposing of its aging F-16 fleet.

Rather than trying to deal with the complicated politics of reselling them or paying the cost of maintaining the older fighters as a reserve, the Ministry of Defense plans to scrap its collection fifty-plus Fighting Falcons, officials said during a visit here January 19.

“USA based media Defense News” visited Norway this month as part of a group organized by the Atlantic Council and funded by the Norwegian government. All participants accepted travel and accommodations during the tour.

The government plans to shut down the 56-plane fleet at the end of 2021, replacing it with a slightly smaller but more capable fleet of 52 F-35A conventional-takeoff-and-landing variants. Norway will take possession of six F-35s in 2017, with three going to Luke Air Force Base in Arizona, which is the US center for training international partners on the Lockheed Martin-designed plane (Norway already has four F-35s at Luke).

Three others are expected to arrive in Norway in early November. From 2018 onward, planes will be delivered directly to Norway, with six new planes arriving each year. Norway plans for the planes to be declared operational in 2019.

The F-16s will still be operated through the end of 2021, although the number of flight hours will drop as the newer jets arrive. Currently the F-16 fleet logs around 7,000 hours per year; that will drop to around 3,000 by 2021, officials here said. Pilots over the age of 40 have been barred from re-training on the F-35, in order to make sure the F-16 has a dedicated pilot core until it is fully retired.

There are a number of factors at work here that make a resale of the old planes unlikely. The first is the age of this particular fleet — Norway’s fleet is among the oldest of the F-16 groups in the world, with an average plane having over 10,000 hours of flight time.

Another is the political restrictions on re-selling US defense weapons. As one official put it, regulations make it easier to “turn them into nails” then try to resell the jets.

Richard Aboulafia, an analyst with the Teal Group, says the age of the planes means they would likely be useful only as training aircraft or for spare parts. More broadly, he said the market for used F-16s hasn’t been very strong, despite some potential good fits around the world.

“One issue has been that many F-16 users have been waiting longer than expected for F-35s, so the supply of used F-16s has been constrained. But even then US F-16s that have been available weren’t purchased in significant numbers,” he wrote in an email. “One problem is that there are relatively few countries that are wealthy enough to operate F-16s but not wealthy enough to buy them new. But even there, I’m surprised that more countries in Eastern Europe haven’t opted for used F-16s.”

The planes won’t be the only thing that is scrapped. The military facilities at Bodø, which have housed F-16s since they came into service, will no longer be home to fighter jets. The majority of the F-35 fleet will instead be hosted at Ørland Main Air Station, with a few kept at the more northern Evenes air base to protect the P-8 maritime surveillance fleet.

Bodø has a long history as a military facility, having served as a hub for both the U-2 and SR-71 spy planes operated by the US during the Cold War. (Gary Powers, the U-2 pilot who was famously shot down over the Soviet Union in 1960, was en route to Bodø when he was captured.) It has also served as the hub of training for the Norwegian F-16 pilot corps.

(defensenews)

When the ready-room alarm went off—high-low, high-low—two Norwegian Air Force pilots pulled on cold-water survival gear, grabbed their flight bags, and sprinted through swirling snow to their hangars. Their decades-old F-16 fighter jets roared to life, and as the airport snowplow halted to let them pass, the jets taxied to the runway and lit the afterburners. The training run took less than 10 minutes.

Norway has long kept two jets on round-the-clock alert at this Arctic base, allowing NATO to put eyes on the Russian warplanes that round the North Cape and head southwest. And while Moscow’s new assertiveness has Oslo preparing additional military units to react more quickly, defense officials here are also looking with concern toward Washington, where the incoming Trump administration has yet to articulate an unambiguous transatlantic security policy.

“Concerned” is a word we heard a lot last week, traveling with defense officials from Norway’s Ministry of Defense in Oslo to this coastal base 50 miles above the Arctic Circle, and beyond. I was part of a group of Americans—analysts, former diplomats, and national-security officials—brought here on a trip organized by the Atlantic Council, a NATO-oriented think tank in Washington, and sponsored by the Norwegian government.

Norwegian defense officials spoke carefully about their changing situation. “The Baltic countries feel threatened; we don’t feel threatened, but we see the potential,” one said.

But they are concerned. The Russian ships, submarines, and aircraft that sortie westward from Murmansk and nearby airbases have been coming more frequently. It’s been happening for a while; the first big jump came in 2007, when the number of Russian warplanes intercepted off Norway’s coast increased fivefold. The operations are also growing more sophisticated; in October, Russian bombers took off from Arctic runways, threaded their way through international airspace near Gibraltar, and struck targets in Syria.

It was 2014’s Crimean invasion that really woke people up, and not just in Norway. Several officials said that NATO had essentially stopped planning for the defense of Europe in the late 1990s, at least at a nuts-and-bolts level. That’s being fixed, but now there is a new concern: A U.S. president who appears to care more about Russia than America’s allies.

In December, Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg visited Donald Trump, then the president-elect, who has alternately called the North Atlantic alliance “obsolete,” suggested that America might ignore its treaty obligations, and mused that perhaps NATO could change its central focus to counterterrorism. Solberg urged Trump to reconsider the alliance’s importance, or at least to set a European policy and stick to it.

Defense officials in Norway explained why. European unity is fragile: While northern and eastern Europe see Russia as the biggest looming problem, southern Europeans are stressed by migration flows from Syria and elsewhere. The populist sentiments that drove Brexit exist elsewhere in NATO. Even in Norway, where a 2011 terrorist attack damaged the prime minister’s office in Oslo, there is little appetite for turning NATO into a primarily counterterror organization.

Europe may roll with the punches, officials said, even if the United States decreases its support. But if the Trump administration cannot describe and commit to a stable position, they said, the extra uncertainty could make it impossible for European leaders to find consensus answers to key questions: What threats they should prioritize? And how much should each nation contribute to the common defense?

Norwegians are encouraged by the selection of James Mattis as U.S. defense secretary. They fought beside him and under his command in Iraq and Afghanistan, developing such expertise in counterterrorism operations, one defense official said, that they knew the names of the principal opium traders in their areas of operations.

Norway has long structured its military to contribute specialized groups of troops and gear to such missions. These deployments, along with operations and training exercises closer to home, are planned and monitored at National Joint Headquarters, an underground fortress sunk deep into a mountain near Bodø. Built in the 1950s and 1960s by extending Wehrmacht tunnels dug during the Nazi occupation, the facility was envisioned as a place where military commanders might survive the nuclear blows of a war with the Soviet Union. In the years after the Berlin Wall fell, its rough-hewn rock walls may have come to seem a bit anachronistic. They feel somewhat less so now.

In the two-story operations center, a column of digital clocks displayed the time in Kabul, Erbil, Juba, Moscow, and Washington, as well as the military-standard Zulu. A smaller screen detailed foreign deployments: On January 19, this country of just over 5 million people had 360 troops participating in a dozen operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, South Sudan, and elsewhere. The duty officers here direct troops at home and abroad, and even place a weekly Skype call to Russia’s Northern Fleet headquarters, an exception to the general radio silence between Western and Russian militaries since 2014.

Up on the giant video wall, a map of Norway showed the locations of military forces in green and blue. (Red squares denoting Russian assets had been scrubbed for our visit.) Even when they are not deployed abroad, Norwegian forces are active across a vast swath of the Arctic, with responsibility for an ocean area nearly as large as the Mediterranean Sea. Much of their training takes place in the same locales they might be called upon to defend.

Among their current concerns is the state of anti-submarine warfare in NATO. Drawn down after the Soviet fleet withered, the alliance’s ASW capability is once again rising to meet a Russian buildup. Like the United States and Britain, Norway is replacing some of its ancient P-3 sub-hunting planes with jet-powered P-8s. But officials here worry that the balance has shifted, and that the alliance might not be able to keep Russia’s quieter, cruise-missile-armed subs from severing the transatlantic resupply line—that is, sinking the ships that would carry U.S. reinforcements to Europe if war broke out. It’s a concern that has grown in importance since the U.S. pulled its large tank garrisons home. Norway wants its alliance partners, at least, to overhaul the ASW command structure and boost its importance.

Back at the Bodø air base, the wind off the Norwegian Sea picked up, grounding the day’s training flights. Hail rattled off dining-hall windows while a few candles burned on side tables, adding their light to a dim January day. Elsewhere on this island, a northern node of NATO’s cyber defense went about its work, its indoor practitioners impervious to the storm outside.

In the next few years, the Norwegian armed forces will spend much of their time and effort preparing to assimilate the new P-8s, along with a handful of new submarines and the 52 F-35A Joint Strike Fighters that represent Norway’s biggest-ever non-energy investment. The military will continue to work on ways to contribute to operations around the world. But they will also, one defense official said, build up stocks of ammunition and spare parts, train to reduce reaction times, and prepare to move quickly if attacked.

They are, he said, concerned.

(theatlantic)

The end of 2016 saw the NATO Archives fully implicated with events commemorating the 60th anniversary of one of the most important texts in the history of the Alliance. Approved by the North Atlantic Council on 13 December 1956, the Report on Non-Military Cooperation in NATO is a landmark document whose principle recommendations laid the foundation for NATO’s evolution toward increased political consultation amongst its Allies.

The report was the result of a collaborative authorship between Lester B. Pearson, Gaetano Martino, and Halvard Lange, the three Foreign Ministers of Canada, Italy and Norway, respectively, who were tasked in May 1956 to “advise the North Atlantic Council on ways and means to improve and extend NATO cooperation in non-military fields and to develop greater unity within the Atlantic Community.” Collectively and affectionately known as NATO’s “Three Wise Men”, they conducted bilateral interviews and sent out questionnaires to all 15 NATO Allies to investigate how the Alliance’s security policy could be broadened with non-military tools. The recommendations that emerged from the report, emphasizing political, economic, cultural, and scientific cooperation amongst member countries, would have long-lasting implications for NATO that continue to resonate today.

On 30 November 2016, the NATO Archives celebrated the anniversary of the report during the meeting of the Archives Committee at NATO HQ with the launch of an exhibition showcasing a unique collection of publicly disclosed archival documents and photos related to the work of the Three Wise Men. All of this material was selected and arranged to illuminate the historical and political contexts that surrounded the drafting of the famous report. The exhibition, opened by Wayne Bush (Assistant Secretary General for Executive Management) with closing remarks by Ambassador Tacan Ildem (Assistant Secretary General for Public Diplomacy), also featured a unique gathering of special guests to introduce the authors of the report. The Permanent Representatives to NATO of Canada (Ambassador Kerry Buck), Italy (Ambassador Claudio Bisogniero) and Norway (Ambassador Knut Hauge) each delivered biographical overviews of their country’s respective “Wise Man” to highlight not only the importance of their work on the report, but also to illuminate their distinguished political careers.

The following week, the NATO Archives “Three Wise Men” exhibition was incorporated into the preparations for the Foreign Ministers meeting at NATO HQ that took place on 6-7 December 2016. Installed in the main conference hall, the exhibition served as a potent reminder of the historical and continuing importance of political consultation during the Ministerial meeting. To punctuate this bridging of the past with the present, the exhibition’s central image of the Three Wise Men in repose was used as the backdrop for an extraordinary photo session with the then-current Foreign Ministers of Canada (Stéphane Dion), Italy (Paolo Gentiloni) and Norway (Børge Brende) as they sat in identical poses as their predecessors.

Finally, the “Three Wise Men” exhibition provided the historical documentation support for “Euro-Atlantic Security: More Than Just a Military Matter”, a special event presented by Carnegie Europe that focused on the contemporary relevance of the report on its 60th anniversary. Held at Norway House in Brussels, Belgium on 13 December 2016 (the actual anniversary date of the report), this high profile event gathered NATO diplomats, European Union officials, think tank representatives and members of the international press for a lively symposium that included a keynote address by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg and a panel discussion revolving around a new paper written by Carnegie Europe’s Judy Dempsey entitled “From Suez to Syria: Why NATO Must Strengthen its Political Role”. The event also featured closing remarks delivered by NATO Deputy Secretary General Rose Gottemoeller, who graciously acknowledged the NATO Archives for “helping to pull together historical information to enlighten and strengthen our discussions” throughout these commemorative events. Her final words of gratitude held particular significance for the NATO Archives, as she concluded by recognizing the importance of archivists “not only for recollection and history but also bringing a new generation along in what they need to learn about national security”.

(nato)